Sanctimonia Binocs, Bhubaneswar, 20 May 2025
The Enduring Awami League: Why Bangladesh’s Political Stalwart Defies Suppression
The recent proscription of the Awami League by Bangladesh’s interim government, led by Muhammad Yunus, marks another chapter in the tumultuous political landscape of the nation. However, to view the Awami League merely as a political entity is to underestimate its profound integration into the fabric of Bangladeshi society. The party’s enduring presence, despite repeated attempts at its dissolution, speaks to a deeper phenomenon rooted in history, identity, and a fiercely loyal base that transcends conventional political affiliations.
A Legacy Forged in Liberation
At the heart of the Awami League’s resilience is its inextricable link to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the architect of Bangladesh’s independence and a figure of iconic status. His life and leadership are central to the narrative of the 1971 Liberation War, a conflict that established Bengali nationalism as the cornerstone of the nation’s identity, distinct from its earlier religious demarcation within Pakistan. The Awami League proudly carries this mantle, positioning itself as the guardian of secular values and the spirit of 1971. This historical positioning often places it in ideological opposition to groups, including some Islamist factions and supporters of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), who trace the nation’s origins more to the 1947 partition along religious lines.
The imposition of Urdu by West Pakistan, which ignited the Bhasha Juddho (Language War) in 1952, was a critical precursor to the 1971 struggle. Bengali nationalism, therefore, became a unifying force, and the Awami League has consistently championed this narrative. This deep connection to the nation’s foundational struggle provides the party with a historical legitimacy that is difficult to erase. Even acts of vandalism against symbols associated with Mujibur Rahman, such as the attacks on his statues and residence following the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s government in August 2024, often serve to galvanize his supporters, highlighting his revered status among millions.
More Than Politics: A Deep-Seated Allegiance
The Awami League’s strength is not solely derived from its historical legacy but also from an extensive and deeply embedded grassroots network. With organized committees at the village and mohalla (neighborhood) levels across all 64 districts, its reach is unparalleled by other political entities, including the BNP. This pervasive structure ensures a constant connection with the populace and facilitates mobilization, even when its central leadership faces challenges, such as Sheikh Hasina’s previous periods in exile.
Furthermore, adherence to the Awami League often resembles a familial or communal bond, with loyalty passed down through generations. Anecdotal evidence and social commentary frequently describe individuals as being “born into” the Awami League, suggesting an identity that is almost hereditary. This “cult-like” devotion, as some observers describe it, contributes to a remarkably stable voter base. Reports suggest that Awami League supporters often prefer to form familial alliances within their own political circles, further reinforcing this distinct socio-political identity.
A History of Survival and Consistent Support
The current ban is not an isolated incident. The Awami League has been outlawed on three previous occasions—in 1958 by Ayub Khan, in 1971 by Yahya Khan, and in 1975 by Ziaur Rahman. Each time, it has re-emerged, often with renewed vigor. This pattern of resilience is underpinned by a consistent electoral backing, historically hovering around 40% of the vote share. For instance, in the 2001 election, which saw the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami form the government, the Awami League still secured 40% of the votes. In 2008, this figure rose to 48%. This substantial and unwavering support, particularly from minority communities who have historically viewed the party as a protector of their interests, cannot be easily dismissed by any ruling administration.
Even during periods of leadership vacuum, the party has demonstrated an ability to self-sustain. Following the assassination of Mujibur Rahman in 1975 and Sheikh Hasina’s subsequent exile, the party’s local leadership and its student wing, the Chhatra League, played a crucial role in its revival, eventually inviting Hasina back to lead in 1981.
Navigating Current Turmoil
The recent ousting of Sheikh Hasina’s government was fueled by widespread discontent over issues such as alleged dictatorial tendencies, corruption, and human rights concerns. This period of unpopularity undoubtedly created a challenging environment for the Awami League. However, the subsequent ban by the Yunus-led interim administration, reportedly influenced by Islamist groups and student agitators, may inadvertently be shifting public sentiment. Reports of economic instability and a deteriorating law-and-order situation under the new regime could be prompting a re-evaluation of the Awami League’s past governance, despite its flaws.
Since the latest ban, there have been indications of the Awami League’s characteristic defiance, with members reportedly organizing demonstrations and attempting to reclaim party offices. These actions, though met with arrests, signal that the party’s machinery remains active.
An Unlikely Demise
The confluence of a profound historical legacy, a deeply entrenched grassroots organization, and a remarkably loyal, almost hereditary, support base makes the Awami League a unique political force in Bangladesh. While the interim government and its Islamist allies may seek to dismantle its influence, the party’s intrinsic connection to Bengali nationalism and the enduring reverence for Sheikh Mujibur Rahman provide it with a resilience that has historically defied suppression. The “boat,” the Awami League’s symbol, has weathered many storms, and current circumstances suggest that sinking it permanently remains an exceedingly difficult, if not impossible, endeavor. The party’s ability to regenerate from its roots, rather than solely depending on its top leadership, continues to be its most formidable asset.
